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May 1, 2026
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Over the past 10 years, Utah’s crime rate has nearly halved
(from 3,241.3 to 1,638.5 crimes per 100,000 people),
compared to a 27% drop in the national crime rate. Since
2022, Utah’s overall crime rate is lower than the national
crime rate, dropping from 12% higher in 2015 (238.7) to 26%
lower in 2024 (229.6). As part of the comprehensive criminal
justice bill House Bill 348 passed in 2015, Utah enacted
statutory limits on how long a person could be incarcerated
for a revocation on a technical supervision violation. These
violations occur when someone fails to meet a supervision
condition, such as not paying fines and fees or attending
required meetings. Data show that, while the intended goal
of this policy was to reduce the number of prison admissions
for revocations by improving successful supervision
outcomes, revocations have continued to drive prison
admissions in Utah. Since the policy was enacted,
revocations have consistently comprised at least
three-quarters of admissions to prison, peaking at 87.2% in
2021. Closer analysis shows that revocations from probation
have decreased, down 18% since 2016, but that parole
revocations have increased, growing 10% since 2016 and
comprising 59% of prison admissions in 2025. However, since
2023, the revocation rate, number of revocations, recidivism
from revocations, and admission to prison due to revocations
are all decreasing. Revocation rates, meaning the total
number of revocations accounting for changes in the overall
parole population, have dropped 2% since 2023 from .33 to
.26.136 Similarly, the number of parole revocations overall
have declined, dropping 27% from 2,265 in 2023 to 1,652 in
2025.
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Source: Criminal Justice Institute
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Trial by jury is a cornerstone of the American criminal
justice system, yet its institutional design varies across
jurisdictions and continues to evolve. This paper reassesses
the performance of the jury system by integrating insights
from the law-and-economics literature with the institutional
realities of criminal adjudication. Drawing on institutional
practice and courtroom experience, the paper identifies
several ways in which real-world conditions—such as
prosecutorial discretion and the limited availability of
retrials—may lead to results that depart from those put
forth by the theoretical economic literature, shedding light
on the shortcomings and inconsistencies between policy
agendas and the institutional structures actually employed
in jury systems. Although the perspectives brought by the
coauthors of this paper are methodologically different, the
authors converge on a common conclusion: meaningful reform
of the jury system requires a holistic approach that
recognizes the interdependence among jury size, standards of
proof, voting rules, and retrial practices.
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Source: University of Minnesota - Law School
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While at least 31 states, including Florida, and the
District of Columbia require 180 instructional school days,
the number of hours or minutes required within those days
varies. What is counted toward minimum school year or school
day requirements also varies. For example, some states’
minimum school year requirements may specify whether things
like non-student contact days or parent-teacher conferences
are included. And some states exclude things like recess
and/or lunch from hours-per-day calculations, while others
may count it. Some states’ policies provide flexibility to
districts, allowing them to set some of their own
requirements. Some, but not all, states have statutory or
regulatory provisions on what may or may not be counted
toward minimum day or hour or minute per school year
requirements. For example, in Alaska, up to 10 days of
in-service training may be counted toward the required 180
days. Kentucky’s policy specifies that the required 170 days
must include 4 professional development days. In New Mexico,
some hours may be used for home visit or parent-teacher
conferences at some grade levels. Florida statute requires
180 days of instruction per school year, with a total of at
least 720 hours for grades K to 3 and 900 hours for grades 4
to 12. A 2024 study, “Time in School: A Conceptual
Framework, Synthesis of the Causal Research, and Empirical
Exploration,” explored the role time plays in learning. The
researchers synthesized the findings of 74 studies to
estimate the effect of total time on students’ academic
achievement. They found that the research shows increasing
total time results in improved academic achievement, though
it is important to note that the degree of the impact
depends on 1) the existing amount of time, 2) how it is
increased, and 3) how it is used.
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Source: Education Commission of the States
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In addition to an acceleration of a longer-term decline in
teacher satisfaction, resignations and retirements among
teachers and principals spiked nationally in the United
States and in several states in the aftermath of COVID-19 in
the 2021–22 school year. Since 2022, teacher well-being
appears to have risen and stabilized after pandemic-era
lows. However, 16% of teachers still reported intentions to
leave their jobs in the 2024–25 school year. The report
tracks district-reported national turnover rates for public
school teachers and principals. Researchers found that the
U.S. national teacher turnover rate (i.e., resignations and
retirements) has continued a downward trend from its peak of
10% during the COVID-19 pandemic to a little under 7% as of
the 2024–25 school year. This turnover rate remains
nominally higher than the estimated pre-pandemic rate of
about 6%. Researchers also found that the national principal
turnover rate has fallen from a high of 16% during the
COVID-19 pandemic to about 8% as of the 2024–25 school year.
Despite this drop, this latest rate is still above
pre-pandemic levels. Lastly, urban districts reported
significantly higher turnover rates among teachers in the
2024–2025 school year compared with suburban and rural
districts.
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Source: RAND Corporation
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Students enrolled in Medicaid can receive certain health
services through their school, such as early vision
screening, diagnostic treatments, and services mandated in a
student’s individualized education plan. This essay
describes the role Medicaid has played in school funding in
recent years. Researchers found that, in Fiscal Year 2024,
school-based Medicaid spending accounted for at least $8.1
billion, with $4.4 billion coming from the federal
government and $3.60 billion from states, though most states
require schools to cover some or all of the non-federal
share of costs using such mechanisms as intergovernmental
transfers and certified public expenditures. Researchers
also found substantial variation across states in the share
of federal Medicaid revenue compared with total K–12
funding. In 10 states, including Texas and New Mexico, the
federal portion of school-based Medicaid spending made up
more than 1% of total K–12 revenue. There were also
variations in school Medicaid spending per pupil. For
example, the gap between the highest and lowest states is
more than tenfold, with the District of Columbia spending
$300 per pupil and Oregon only spending a few dollars per
pupil, indicating that federal Medicaid rules alone do not
determine how much funding schools receive. Lastly, federal
funding for school Medicaid averages about $2.9 billion
annually (2020–24), far below K–12 funding via the federal
Individuals with Disabilities Education Act ($12.6 billion
in 2024), Title I of the Elementary and Secondary Education
Act ($15.6 billion in 2024), and the National School Lunch
Program’s free and reduced-price meals component ($17.2
billion in 2024).
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Source: Urban Institute
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Data centers house computer servers, data storage systems,
and network equipment that provide digital applications and
services—such as artificial intelligence (AI) and cloud
computing. Space-based data centers would place data
processing and storage systems for AI and other computing
needs into satellites. This could reduce the land,
electricity, and water needed for data centers on Earth.
Several companies have begun development of data centers in
space, but there are engineering and economic barriers to
deployment. Researchers found that placing data centers in
space could reduce the demand for resources from these
facilities on Earth, such as land, electricity, and water
usage. Specifically, the U.S. Department of Energy projects
data centers will account for up to 12% of U.S. electrical
demand by 2028, driven by AI development. Data centers in
space might reduce demand for electricity, water, and
physical infrastructure on Earth. However, space-based data
centers can pose several potential challenges. For example,
more satellites in orbit could increase collision risks,
including with crewed missions, and interfere with
astronomical research. Federal agencies must coordinate
demand nationally and internationally for radio frequencies
for data communication. Lastly, space radiation can corrupt
data unpredictably and degrade hardware. Mitigation may be
costly or could reduce computing performance. A data center
might benefit from in-space servicing by other satellites,
but this capability is underdeveloped. As a result, data
centers might be decommissioned more frequently than other
satellites, potentially increasing space debris or risks
from atmospheric reentry.
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Source: U.S Government Accountability Office
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In March 2025, state and local governments employed 20.3
million people, an increase of 1.4% from 2024 (20.0
million). Nationally, local government workers comprised the
majority of the state and local government workforce with
14.7 million employees (72.2%). In comparison, state
governments employed 5.7 million workers (27.8%). Of the
total 20.3 million employed, 15.8 million were classified as
full-time and 4.5 million as part-time. Full-time employment
by state governments increased by 2.7% to 4.1 million, while
full-time employment by local governments increased by 1.2%
to 11.7 million. The number of part-time state (1.5 million)
and local (3.0 million) government employees increased 0.8%.
Education, hospitals, and police protection employees
constitute the largest functional categories of state and
local governments, with 13.7 million people employed on a
full- or part-time basis in a capacity related to these
functions. Lastly, education, the single largest functional
category for state and local government, employed 11.4
million people. Among those public education employees, 8.5
million worked at the local government level, primarily in
elementary and secondary education. State governments
employed another 2.9 million education employees, mostly in
higher education.
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Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, Census Bureau
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Across the country, states are eyeing the stars and the
economic potential they offer. By 2035, the global space
economy is projected to exceed $1.8 trillion as commercial
space activities continue to grow in response to increased
demand. As private space companies expand their launch
schedules and the federal government ramps up military and
commercial space priorities, states increasingly view
spaceports as launch pads and long-term investments in
innovation, industry, and infrastructure. This publication
examines state laws, policies, and regulations governing
spaceports. The South is home to six of the ten states that
currently host spaceports, including Florida. Despite
multiple states having federally licensed spaceports, not
all states define or recognize what constitutes a spaceport
or related facility in statute. Some, such as Florida and
Oklahoma, feature robust geographically defined criteria,
while others, such as Alabama, Texas, and Virginia, are
silent on definitions or broadly reference “spaceflight”
activities. In contrast, outside the South, only Wisconsin
features a clear definition of land and water constituting a
spaceport’s territory, while New Mexico only specifies that
any area featuring spaceflight activities constitutes a
spaceport.
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Source: Council of State Governments, South
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Increasing behavioral health needs and persistent workforce
shortages leave many communities without timely access to
prevention and early intervention services for substance use
disorders. Community-initiated care (CIC) offers a promising
strategy to expand support and mitigate substance use
disorder service gaps by engaging trained community members
and leveraging existing local resources. This report
examines how existing CIC programs operate, funding
strategies used to sustain their work, and offers insights
to help strengthen and expand CIC models nationwide.
Researchers found that CIC programs support behavioral
health programs through coordination with trusted community
members and organizations, rely on existing community
structures, such as schools and faith-based organizations,
to reach individuals, and often provide prevention and early
intervention programming. Nearly all CIC programs serve a
wide range of populations, including low-income individuals
and individuals from rural areas. Despite its reach, most
CIC programs operated on modest budgets—typically less than
$500,000 annually. CIC programs use diverse funding
sources, including federal and state grants, local
government funding, foundation funding, and fundraising.
However, managing these funds posed challenges, particularly
with reporting requirements and spending restrictions.
Lastly, researchers offer key considerations for communities
looking to start or expand a CIC program, including using
needs assessments to determine which type of CIC program
would be most effective, building on existing partnerships,
particularly those from past prevention efforts, and
engaging a local evaluator to measure service quality and
impact.
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Source: U.S. Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services
Administration
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Since the 1980s, fertility rates in the United States among
women age 30 and older, particularly those 35 and older,
have generally increased. During the same period, fertility
rates for women younger than 30, who still account for most
births, decreased. As a result, the overall number of U.S.
births has declined. Although previous reports have
described national changes in fertility rates for women 30
and older, limited information is available on variation by
state. This report describes changes in fertility rates for
women ages 30–34, 35–39, and 40 and older by state and the
District of Columbia (D.C.) from 2015 to 2024. The U.S.
fertility rate for women ages 30–34 decreased 8% from 2015
to 2024, with declines in 37 states and the District of
Columbia (D.C.) ranging from 2% to 21%. For women ages
35–39, the U.S. fertility rate increased 5% from 2015 to
2024, with increases in 35 states ranging from 3% to 21% and
decreases in 5 states and D.C. The U.S. fertility rate for
women age 40 and older increased 24% from 2015 to 2024, with
increases in 46 states ranging from 7% to 70%. Florida’s
fertility rate for women aged 30-34 in 2024 was 90.3 births
per 1,000 women, and during the period from 2015 to 2024,
this fertility rate decreased by 7%.
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Source: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
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Integrating artificial intelligence (AI) into long-term care
(LTC) systems presents an innovative approach to addressing
the multifaceted challenges faced by an aging population
that is increasingly reliant on family caregivers. AI offers
the potential to enhance LTC delivery across the continuum
of care, whether by enabling care at home through smart home
systems or strengthening support for family caregivers. Yet,
the early integration of AI in LTC warrants careful
examination. Although AI offers promise for improving LTC
systems, these new tools require thorough study and
evaluation before widespread adoption. This publication
explores early applications of AI integration in LTC
delivery, its potential uses, and key challenges and
considerations for scaling these technologies. Key findings
include that early AI applications in long-term care are
concentrated in five areas: assessments, diagnosis and
treatment support, family caregiver assistance, monitoring,
and care navigation. Current tools are largely in pilot
stages, focused on streamlining administrative tasks,
supporting clinical decision-making, and managing complex
information. In addition, AI holds promise for reducing
strain on family caregivers and the direct care workforce,
but only if tools are intentionally designed to supplement —
not redistribute or intensify — existing care
responsibilities. Lastly, existing AI tools for long-term
care carry distinct and consequential risks, including
errors, algorithmic bias, privacy vulnerabilities, and
overreliance. AI effectiveness in long-term care is
constrained by significant data gaps. Older adults, people
with disabilities, and racially and ethnically diverse
communities remain underrepresented in the datasets used to
train these tools.
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Source: AARP Public Policy Institute
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